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in his crime will vanish away. By simply folding our arms as we stand
around him he will fall. On the other hand, fire on him and you will
consolidate him. The army is intoxicated, the people are dazed and do not
interfere, the middle classes are afraid of the President, of the people,
of you, of every one! No victory is possible. You will go straight before
you, like brave men, you risk your heads, very good; you will carry with
you two or three thousand daring men, whose blood mingled with yours,
already flows. It is heroic, I grant you. It is not politic. As for me,
I will not print an appeal to arms, and I reject the combat. Let us
organize an universal strike."
This point of view was haughty and superb, but unfortunately I felt it
to be unattainable. Two aspects of the truth seized Girardin, the
logical side and the practical side. Here, in my opinion, the practical
side was wanting.
Michel de Bourges answered him. Michel de Bourges with his sound logic
and quick reasoning put his finger on what was for us the immediate
question; the crime of Louis Bonaparte, the necessity to rise up erect
before this crime. It was rather a conversation than a debate, but
Michel de Bourges and Jules Favre, who spoke next, raised it to the
highest eloquence. Jules Favre, worthy to understand the powerful mind
of Girardin would willingly have adopted this idea, if it had seemed
practicable, of the universal strike, of the void around the man; he
found it great, but impossible. A nation does not pull up short. Even
when struck to the heart, it still moves on. Social movement, which is
the animal life of society, survives all political movement. Whatever
Emile de Girardin might hope, there would always be a butcher who would
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